Statement Regarding the Saudi Ban on Migrant Organizations

[Migrante International protest. Image from migranteinternational.org] [Migrante International protest. Image from migranteinternational.org]

Statement Regarding the Saudi Ban on Migrant Organizations

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by Migrante International on 11 December 2012.]

Migrante Partylist today raised serious concern over a latest circular released by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to all Embassies and International Organizations prohibiting the establishment of organizations by migrants and expatriate nationals. The circular was dated October 17, 2012 and was released by the Philippine Embassy in Riyadh on December 10.

The Saudi Ministry of Labor has then requested all diplomatic missions to comply and prevent the creation and/or registration of community organizations, and has requested all missions to immediately cancel the formation of organizations and their activities without permit from the Saudi MFA.

In response to the circular, the Philippine Embassy in Riyadh has suspended the accreditation and/or recognition of Filipino community organizations until further notice from the Saudi Ministry of Affairs.

“This is a cause for grave concern and an affront to the right of migrants to organize. The Philippine government should not condone this new policy and should raise a protest,” said Connie Bragas-Regalado, chairperson of Migrante Partylist.

Bragas-Regalado said that the new Saudi policy is a direct violation of migrants’ human rights and the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, which will be commemorated on December 18, International Migrants’ Day. The UN Convention recognizes and upholds the right of migrant workers to organize, regardless of status.

She said that the new policy would further restrict and limit activities and rights of Filipino communities in Saudi “where it is generally repressive, especially for migrant workers”. “Paano na ang mga kababayan natin doon na walang ibang takbuhan kundi ang mga organisasyon at Filipino communities? Their strength and protection is in their unity and organization. The Saudi government has no right to strip them of that right.”

Bragas-Regalado said that the new policy might be in light of the recent stop-work protests and actions of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) and migrants of other nationalities against abusive companies and employers. Recently, some 300 OFWs and migrants of other nationalities held hunger strikes and protests against at least six companies in Saudi for labor rights abuses and violations.

“We fear that in light of this, OFWs and OFW organizations may be singled out because our Saudi 200+ were the most vocal and they led the protests.”

“We call on the Philippine government to challenge, without delay, this new policy. The Aquino administration should make a stand on this repressive policy, especially as we are set to commemorate International Migrants’ Day. We also call on all OFWs and migrants in Saudi to be more vigilant and continue to fight for their right to organize,” Bragas-Regalado said.

Bragas-Regalado also called on other migrant organizations around the world to denounce the new Saudi policy.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412